What would be the meaning of the word "representation" in a Kabylian context ? The context in itself is definitely important as it defines the very nature of the word representation in a whole. The Kabylian context is defined by the repressive authority of a central government that claims to be democratic but that is in fact a repressive dictatorship as far as culture and political representations are involved. What I mean is that representation in a democratic system is ipso facto legitimated by the system itself as it allows the freedom of speech thus representation. In a dictatorship context, representation is by definition a concept that cannot be included in its globality.
Therefore, it becomes obvious that any human group in quest of recognition has to endowed itself with this representation. The main argument used to challenge the idea of autonomy of Kabylia is the one of representation meaning when groups organize themself to talk in the name of the people and claim for more freedom and representation, they are thus mentioned as illegal representators. One has to understand that such assertion cannot be held for reality because it is the fruit of a democratic mind that cannot be applied in a Kabylian context and to Kabylian groups of people struggling for recognition. Political representation in the Kabylian context, the MAK (Movement for the Autonomy of Kabylia) and its leader Ferhat Mehenni. The MAK is often accused by its opponents as illegally representing the people of Kabylia. Once again such perception admits that the Algerian regime is a democratic one ; Which we know is not true. If we take a glance at the historical and political events in Algeria for the past five decades, we realize that the country is indeed paved with injustice : unfair decisions taken by a minority for the advantage of a the minority. The two revolts known as Tafsut Imazighen ( also called : Kabyl Spring- 1980) and Tafsut taberkant ( also called : Black Spring- 2001) against the discriminative Algerian policy toward Kabylia and its people are the most obvious examples.
In order to be able to set things and work for the advancement of democracy in Algeria, the MAK has no legal frame in which it can operate. Therefore and in order to initiate the march toward democracy, the MAK has no other choice than making decisions that may sound undemocratic for right now and if considered in a democratic environment but those decisions are totally legitimate considering the undemocratic background of the Algerian regime. Men and women therefore can be called to lead for a time until the legal frame is set to organize official functioning. Vote, consultation cannot be organized until the opponents to the regime can fully be recognized as official by the regime as well as the international scene and thus obtain the needed frame to function totally . The MAK has to be perceived in the reality of the Kabylian context which is the reality that opposes Kabylia and Algeria. Therefore the MAK cannot be accused of taking over a democratic system because the MAK was formed as an opposition to the repressive Algerian regime and in the context of an anti-democratic system. The MAK has no other way to force the Algerian regime to acknowledge it as a political representative of the people of Kabylia. So far the regime of Algiers acts blind and deaf. Because acting politically against the MAK would mean they acknowledge their effective existence, power and significance as an actor in political life. It would officialize the very idea of representation of Kabylia. Cultural representation in the Kabylian context, the example of Matoub Lounès
If Algiers has so far ignored the actions of the MAK and the restless activity of Ferhat Mehenni, it has taken different options of consideration as far as culture is involved. The positions taken by the regime has been clear regarding the definition of culture. Right after the independence in 1962, everything was shaped according to the arabo islamic ideal thus denying the berber heritage.
The kabyl culture, the kabyl language were denied the position of choice they should have taken in the shaping of the national culture and identity. Tafsut Imazighen in 1980 ( Printemps Kabyle) has been the expression of the people of Kabylia’s refusal to be denied. Everyone remembers the violent repression the regime exercised on the youth willing to follow the thought of Mouloud Mammeri as a leader of the berberist movement.
By acting so, the regime has ackowledged the berber culture as an existing one and has defined it as a danger against its plan to shape Algeria as an Arab country. The regime has authorized itself to eliminate every action or individue that challenge the "official" culture set by the regime.
The murder of Matoub Lounes in 1998 is nothing but the official denial of the Berber heritage to be full part of the Algerian national culture. The recognition in 2002 of Tamazight as national language has been a political choice to lock and seize further claims from the Kabyls. By murdering Matoub, they have litteraly close the mouth of the Kabyl people. The attitude of denial of the Algerian regime toward the existence of the people of Kabylia as an entity All in all we see that the Algerian regime has two ways of denying the existence of the Kabyl entity. First of all by ignoring the possible political representation of the people of Kabylia. This can be called : Decisions without representation.
In 1773, when the colonists in Colonial America organized rebellion against the British Crown, it was because of the same problematic question of representation.... Taxations without representation. We see how representation is in fact important when willing to set a democracy. Within the actual Algerian political organization, the Kabyls are NOT represented. The RCD and the FFS are official political parties that do not stand and cannot stand in the name of the Kabyl people for the interest of the Kabyl people. Considering the Algerian Constitution that reads : « Political parties cannot be organized on a religious, linguistic, racial, sex, corporation or regional basis. […] Any obedience of political parties, of any form, to foreign interests or foreign parties is forbidden. Political parties cannot use violence or pressure, whatever the nature and forms of it. » makes it clear that within the constitution, the Kabyl people has no way of being heard not to talk about being represented as an entity with its own linguistic and regional realities. Nevertheless, the people of Kabylia has the right to be heard. Therefore it become logic that some groups like the MAK stands up for the rights of the people.
Then, the brutal denial of the culture that is sadly illustrated by the murder of Matoub Lounes. Matoub can be considered as the voice of the Kabyl culture that claims laicity and non arabic roots for the people of Kabylia.
He has been murdered because he was challenging the very essence of what the Algerian regime had defined as cultural image of the country. By eliminating the voice of the people that stands different to what is defined to be Algerian, the Algerian regime has pushed the doors opened to settle its policy of islamization and arabization of Kabylia.
One may claim the fact that Tamazight has been recognized as national language is a sign of cultural recognition. If considering how this decision has been implemented as far as being introduced in the educational system, it is obvious that the Arabic language comes first and is the priority of the regime as a premium tool to eradicate kabyl culture through linguistic assimilation. By burrying the cultural heritage, the Algerian regime’s intention is to eliminate the very essence of what a political representant could claim.
Knowing this mischival attitude, it becomes a duty of the conscient man or woman to fight on a political level so as to restore the emprisonned culture. Brigitte JAKOB
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